A
Originally, in the time of René Descartes, all that was needed to
escape the Church was to separate the mental from the made-up non-
mental—labeled the ‘material’—and claim that science busied itself
solely with the latter. Descartes’ own substance dualism did not try to
eliminate either side of this pair or make one more fundamental than the
other. They were, instead, supposed to be complementary. This
intellectual ethos prevailed among learned elites all the way into the
early 19th century, as one can see, for instance, in these words of the
great Goethe:
Whoever can’t get it into his head that mind and matter, soul and
body ... were, are, and will be the necessary double ingredients of the
universe, ... whoever cannot rise to the level of this idea ought to
have given up thinking long ago.
(As quoted in Rüdiger Safranski’s Goethe: Life as a Work of Art,
WW Norton, 2018, chapter 29.)
Notice that, for Goethe, some form of substance dualism was not at all a
matter of faith, but one of reason, for failing to acknowledge it
represented an abandonment of thinking itself. Goethe was an ennobled
—bourgeois by birth, being the son of a financially-independent lawyer
—member of the intellectual elite of his time; perhaps the most
prominent one. His perspective is thus quite relevant and representative.
By the second half of the 19th century, however, when the game was
no longer the mere survival of bourgeois intellectual elites, but their
cultural hegemony over the clergy, an extra claim became mainstream
among those elites: quantitative descriptions precede the qualities
described, somehow giving rise and essence to the latter. This meant that
what science studies—i.e., matter—is deeper and more fundamental than
the Church’s domain of the psyche. The equality between mind and
matter was abandoned in favor of the latter. Indeed, intellectual
bourgeois hero Charles Darwin—son of a successful doctor and financier
—had already dealt a blow to the clergy by taking away from them the
power to explain life itself. This emboldened the ambitions of the
bourgeoise, so that claiming that mind must be reducible to matter was
the psychologically predictable next attempt at a metaphysical coup de
grâce against the Church. To this day, almost two centuries later, the
claim is still in vigor, for modern Physicalism maintains precisely that
the qualitative-mental can be reduced—in principle—to the quantitative-
physical, even though nobody can even begin to explicate how that
might work.
The point I am trying to make is that mainstream Physicalism is not a
hypothesis motivated by evidence and clear thinking, but a philosophical
side-effect of a psycho-socio-political power game. What passes for
empirical evidence in favor of Physicalism is often evidence merely for
the existence of a world outside our individual minds, not for a world
metaphysically different from mind in general, as an ontological
category or kind of existent. But because we are conditioned to thinking
of everything outside the minds of living beings as non-mental, we
naively misconstrue the undeniable and overwhelming evidence for a
world outside living beings—a world that living beings inhabit—as
evidence for the non-mental.
What leads to such interpretational bias? The answer is Physicalism
itself, for it is only under its premises that mind, being supposedly a
product of metabolism, must always be confined to living beings (the
fact that mental states correlate well with metabolic brain states is
acknowledged, but also does not imply Physicalism, as I shall discuss in
detail later). Therefore—or so the thought goes—the environment
inhabited by living beings cannot itself be mental; ergo, it is material, for
what else is there? This is an example of the circularity that underpins
mainstream Physicalism, as mentioned earlier. If you come from a
physicalist background yourself, you may even need to reread this and
the previous paragraph, perhaps a couple of times, to even see the
circularity in question.
Here is another example: because everything happens as if what
appears on the screen of perception were the real world out there, we
conclude that the real world must be physical, in the sense of having the
structure of the contents of perception. If one sees a train coming and
then steps in front of it, one dies; it all works as though a real physical
train were coming. Yet, the same applies to an airplane without windows:
everything happens as if the dashboard were the sky outside; so much so
that the airplane will crash if the pilot ignores the dashboard or acts
against its indications. Why is that? Because the behavior of the
dashboard is correlated, by construction, with the salient parameters of
the sky outside, insofar as it represents—in an encoded form—the states
of the sky. In other words, the dashboard conveys accurate and
important information about the sky outside, without being the sky. It
was built to do precisely this. But since we’ve become blind to the rather
trivial fact that accurate information can be conveyed through
representational mediation, we fail to see that perception is more akin to
a dashboard than to reality. And what inculcates this bias in our minds?
The answer is, again, unexamined physicalist premises, according to
which the structure of the real world is ‘obviously’ the structure of what
is displayed on the screen of perception. Physicalism is thus largely a
self-perpetuating delusion. That physicalists think of themselves as being
guided by evidence merely betrays the circular character of the delusion,
insofar as their evidence is trivially misconstrued to imply what it
doesn’t.
There is more to be said about how we misconstrue evidence to
acquiesce to our physicalist bias, and I shall come back to it later. For
now, though, the salient point is this: while there was initial clarity
among the people involved in the social power game that Physicalism
was a political move, today this clarity has been lost. We now actually
believe in Physicalism, for the cultural momentum it has amassed for
being repeatedly pronounced as fact over generations—as well as its
now-conditioned association with ‘educated’ and ‘elite’ perspectives—
has become formidable. Just like political propagandists who eventually
start gulping down their own snake oil, we now believe Physicalism
wholesale, because it has been repeated ad nauseam by otherwise
credible and educated people who were supposedly thinking about these
things before we were born. This cultural momentum gives us license to
not think critically about it ourselves, for others have done the hard
thinking for us already, right? And if all those educated people believed
in Physicalism, then it must be true, and we don’t need to spend our
energy reinventing the wheel ... right? All we need to do, when it comes
to our own credibility, career, and social standing, is to repeat the
physicalist story ourselves, so we also come across to others as educated
elite thinkers, who courageously—even heroically—face the tough fact
that nature is dead and meaningless. And thus, this self-perpetuating self-
deception endures robustly, for your children watch you—or the evening
news anchor, the family doctor, the teacher at school, etc.—gulp down
the snake oil. They then repeat it to your grandchildren, and these in turn
to your great-grandchildren, etc. After generations of this pernicious
psychological cycle, a culture can sincerely become quite certain that in-
your-face balderdash—such as the map preceding the territory—holds
water, for a manufactured sense of plausibility eventually saturates it.
Welcome to the 20th century, a time when the Church was already largely
defeated, but bourgeois intellectual elites stepped on their own mines
while returning from the battlefield.
Fortunately, sociopsychological dynamics cannot make something
incoherent and empirically inadequate magically become true. There is
an indelibility to reason and evidence that, like water splashing against
rock, eventually cracks the strongest psychological walls. And so this,
too, began to happen in the late 20th century.
Under mainstream Physicalism, physical entities are defined in terms
of their measurable, quantitative physical properties. In other words, an
electron is its measurable mass, charge, momentum, etc.; there is
supposedly nothing to an electron but its quantitative properties. Still
under Physicalism, these physical entities have standalone existence:
they supposedly exist in and of themselves, independently of observation
or measurement. Observation and measurement merely disclose, unveil
their properties, which already existed—or so the story goes—
immediately prior to the observation or measurement. This notion is
called ‘physical realism.’ And sure enough, the practice of empirical
science did not contradict it up until the late 1970s.
But then, while looking closer and closer into the primary building
blocks of matter, scientists noticed something that defied physicalist
expectations: as it turns out, laboratory results began to show that
physical entities in fact cannot be said to exist prior to measurement.
Instead, physicality is a product of measurement.
This remarkable series of experiments—refined by different research
groups over the span of more than four decades—moved the Nobel Prize
committee to award the lead investigators the Nobel Prize in physics in
2022; the highest honor in science. I shall now briefly describe the
general form of the experiments and discuss why their results refute
physical realism.
The experimental procedure goes as follows: two subatomic particles
—say, A and B—are prepared together, so that they are entangled
(‘entanglement’ is physics jargon for saying that the particles cannot be
described independently of one another). They are then shot in opposite
directions at (near) the speed of light. After a certain distance is covered,
a first scientist—let’s say, Alice—measures particle A, while another
scientist—say, Bob—simultaneously measures particle B at a different,
far away location. What then transpires is that Alice’s choice of what to
measure about particle A determines what Bob sees when he observes
particle B. Let me repeat this, so it sinks in: what one scientist chooses to
measure about one particle determines what the other scientist sees
when he looks at the other particle.
How can this be? How can the choice of what to measure about one
particle determine what the other particle is? Shouldn’t observation
merely reveal what the particle already was, in and of itself, regardless of
what is measured about another? And how can two distant but
concurrent measurements be entirely correlated with one another, despite
the speed-of-light limit that should preclude any information transfer
required for such correlation?
This result is not reconcilable with physicalist premises (unless some
grotesque science fiction fantasies are taken seriously, which I shall
discuss shortly). If the two particles were physically real, in the sense of
having standalone existence, then their measurable properties—which, as
we’ve seen, define their existence—would be whatever they are
regardless of what one chooses to measure about them. Take a piece of
luggage, for instance: it seems to have a certain mass, height, and length
regardless of what is being measured about it. If it weighs 50 kilograms
sitting on a weighing scale, then it will still weigh 50 kilograms even
when it’s not sitting on a weighing scale—or so Physicalism stipulates.
Measurements supposedly reveal something that was already the case
about the piece of luggage immediately before the measurement was
done, not determine it. If mainstream Physicalism were true, the same
should apply to the subatomic particles in our experiment, for a piece of
luggage is simply a compound aggregation of subatomic particles:
measurement should simply reveal the properties the particles already
had, in and of themselves, immediately prior to the measurement.
Experimentally, however, what we see is that the properties of one
particle depend on what we choose to observe about the other. The
particles’ properties don’t have standalone existence but are, instead,
created by the very act of measurement. And since there is nothing about
a physical particle but its measurable physical properties, the particles
themselves cannot be said to exist unless and until a measurement is
done. This, of course, is incompatible with physical realism and,
therefore, mainstream Physicalism itself.
If one still insists on holding on to physical realism, one has to part with
explicit, level-headed, empirically based science; one has, instead, to
entertain one of two highly inflationary and entirely speculative
fantasies. The first is the so-called ‘Everettian Many-Worlds’ hypothesis:
every time an observation is made, all possible outcomes are supposed to
be produced, but each in a separate, parallel universe. The paradigm-
defying outcome we happen to see is the one that happens to be
produced in the parallel universe we happen to inhabit. Copies of us in
other parallel universes observe all the other outcomes, so there is
nothing to fret about if we see stuff that contradicts our expectations and
prejudices. One can almost feel the warm, fuzzy metaphysical
reassurance this provides: whatever you choose to believe is sort of fair
game, for everything that could be observed is observed, just in some
other inaccessible universe, in some other inaccessible dimension, by
some other inaccessible copy of you; ‘inaccessible’ being the operative
word here. This undisguised but admittedly very imaginative subterfuge,
if taken seriously, could be used to justify just about anything that
doesn’t outright contradict laws of large numbers.
Some claim that the idea of parallel universes ‘flows naturally’ from
quantum theory, a notion grounded in a combination of grotesque
epistemic arrogance and a complete abandonment of one’s natural sense
of plausibility. The idea is that, because the equations of quantum
mechanics—which we have come up with to try and get a handle on
nature’s behavior—cannot predict the outcome of any specific event, but
only statistical averages, then of course nature must produce all possible
outcomes; otherwise we, godly intellects that we are, certainly would
have been able to do better by now, wouldn’t we? In other words,
because we, bipedal apes, haven’t managed to predict nature’s behavior
at its finest-grained level, then ... invisible parallel universes!
This idea would be a little more apt if we had some, any, direct
evidence for all this parallel stuff. Alas, we don’t. We must simply
believe in countless parallel universes popping into existence every
infinitesimal fraction of a second—every time there is a microscopic
interaction anywhere in the universe—which is arguably the most
inflationary notion that human thought can coherently produce. It is so
inflationary, in fact, that it is literally impossible to explicitly visualize
how much stuff popping into existence is entailed by it; it’s just too
much to wrap one’s head around; it’s a dizzying, exponential,
thermonuclear explosion of empirically unverifiable stuff that makes the
Big Bang look like a bang snap. That such fantasy is not only taken
seriously, but even publicly promoted by professors from some respected
universities, illustrates how far belief in Physicalism can take otherwise
reasonable, intelligent people down extraordinarily implausible avenues
of pure speculation. From the perspective of psychology, this is
deserving of in-depth study, and I don’t say this sarcastically at all.
The other entirely speculative and supremely vague fantasy is called
‘superdeterminism’: there supposedly are mysterious ‘hidden variables’
in nature—emphasis on ‘mysterious’ and ‘hidden’—that do exactly
whatever needs to be done for the experimental results obtained to
remain consistent with physical realism. What are these hidden
variables? No one has ever specified them explicitly and coherently, so
we can’t even start looking for them through experiments that could
falsify the hypothesis. How, precisely, do the hidden variables do what
they are presumed to do? No one has ever specified that either; they just
somehow do it. But do what, exactly? Whatever must happen in nature
so we can continue to believe in physical realism, despite experimental
results telling us otherwise. If there is any exaggeration in this colloquial
characterization of superdeterminism, it is only mild.
Superdeterminism is akin to saying, if you believe in Creationism,
that nature has a mysterious, hidden agent who does exactly whatever
needs to be done to create the illusion of a fossil record, even though
natural selection is false and the world was created within the past ten
thousand years. How? We have no idea. What is this mysterious agent?
We have no idea; we just call it ‘hidden god.’ And we define this agent
in terms of whatever needs to be true so to enable us to continue to
believe in Creationism, despite overwhelming empirical evidence for an
alternative hypothesis—namely, that the fossil record points to evolution
by natural selection. Underneath its highly technical language, the spirit
of superdeterminism is surprisingly akin to this.
You see, what the laboratory results have been consistently telling us
for over 40 years—so consistently, in fact, that a Nobel Prize has been
awarded to the investigators—is that physical entities have no standalone
existence. They are, instead, products of measurement. But since this
result is metaphysically unacceptable to some, they conjure up undefined
hidden variables and inaccessible parallel universes to rescue our
metaphysical prejudices from the cold clutches of hard experimental
evidence.
To impress upon you the fact that I am not exaggerating, we can look
a little deeper into superdeterminism. According to it, the settings of the
measurement devices used by Alice and Bob somehow change what the
particles A and B are—as opposed to simply, well, measuring them,
which is what measurement devices are made to do—thereby creating
the correlations between what Alice and Bob see. This is akin to saying
that, when you photograph the moon up in the night sky, the aperture and
exposure settings of your camera change what the moon is. This way,
regardless of what you see in the resulting photograph, you don’t have to
part with your favorite theoretical prejudice about the nature of the
moon, for the moon that was there just before you photographed it was
different from the moon on the photo. Moreover, Alice’s and Bob’s
measurement devices have to somehow conspire with each other,
instantaneously and at a distance, so to ensure that the physical
properties of particles A and B are correlated, despite speed-of-light
constraints. But this, too, is miraculously taken care of by the unspecified
hidden variables, whatever they may be.
By reifying Physicalism to the position of necessary, a priori truth,
despite evidence to the contrary, our culture has lent legitimacy to
fantasies that are beyond implausible. After all, since Physicalism must
be true, any way to reconcile evidence with it, no matter how desperate
and implausible, must be a legitimate part of the debate, right? And so
our rational intuitions of plausibility are thrown unceremoniously out the
window. This is how cultures lose themselves to their own nonsense.
Short of theoretical fantasies, we must thus accept, on hard empirical
grounds, that the physical world is created upon observation or
measurement. In other words, physics is telling us experimentally that,
just as we’ve concluded before on entirely different grounds, the
physical world is but a dashboard representation created by
measurement, not the real world out there. The only physical world there
is is the ‘physical’ world on the screen of perception; there is no
underlying, purely quantitative, abstract physical world with standalone
existence.
None of these experimental results is actually surprising or
discombobulating when regarded without metaphysical prejudice: the
dials in an airplane’s dashboard only show something when a
measurement is made, for what they show is precisely the outcome of the
measurement. Without a measurement, the needles in the dials don’t
move and nothing is shown, for there is nothing to be shown. Is this
difficult to understand? Now, in precisely the same way, as experiments
have repeatedly indicated, physical entities are dashboard representations
of measurement outcomes, so that without measurement no physical
entities can exist. Is that difficult to understand? If no measurement is
performed, the dials have nothing to show and, therefore, there is no
physical world; for the physical world is constituted by the dial
indications. In other words, all physical entities are merely ‘physical’
entities.
None of this implies that there is no reality prior to measurement,
otherwise we would have an even bigger problem, as there would be
nothing to be measured in the first place. But there is still a sky when no
airplanes are flying around making measurements. Without airplane
sensors, there just aren’t any dashboard representations of the sky. But
the sky itself—unmeasured—is still there. In exactly the same way, when
we don’t measure the real, external world, there is no ‘physical’ world;
for the ‘physical’ world—as displayed on the screen of perception—is
but an internal representation of our measurements of the real world.
Nonetheless, the real, nonphysical world is still there, regardless.
Things couldn’t be simpler if we just accepted what nature is telling
us, as opposed to forcing our metaphysical prejudices upon nature:
physicality is not the real world, but an internal cognitive representation
thereof; that’s why it only appears upon observation and can’t be said to
exist prior to observation. The world that is measured, in turn, is real, but
not physical, in the sense of not being describable through physical
quantities. That’s all there is to it, and it isn’t difficult to understand.
The dashboard metaphor can even make straightforward sense of the
instantaneous correlations between what Alice and Bob see upon
measuring particles A and B, respectively. These correlations are only
puzzling if we assume that the particles have standalone existence, but
not if they are mere representations. To see this, consider the following
analogy.
Imagine that you are watching a football match at home. Because you
are such a great fan of football, you bought two large TVs to follow the
same match, simultaneously, on two different channels. Imagine also that
the two different broadcasters have their own cameras in the stadium, so
each channel shows different images of the same match. And you watch
the two different images side by side.
Now, obviously, the two images will be entirely correlated with one
another, for they are representations of the same match, the same
underlying reality. The images have no standalone existence, only the
football match in the stadium—the thing in itself—has. Nonetheless, the
images will also be different, for they are produced by different cameras
and camera angles. None of this is counterintuitive or difficult to
understand.
However, if you were a time traveler from the 18th century and didn’t
understand how TVs work, you would be flabbergasted by the
correlations between the two images: how can the little men running
inside the box to the left move in perfect synchronization with the other
little men running inside the box to the right? How can that happen even
when the boxes are totally isolated from one another, so that the little
men can’t talk to each other across the boxes? Incomprehensible!
Of course, the source of this puzzlement is the unexamined
assumption, by our time traveler, that the images aren’t mere
representations, but the things in themselves. If you think that there are
real little men, with standalone existence, running inside the two TV
sets, the correlation of their behavior across the sets would seem magical
indeed. And this is precisely the mistake we make when it comes to the
laboratory experiments being discussed here: we think of the entangled
particles A and B as real things in themselves, not mere representations
of an underlying nonphysical reality. If we understood and accepted the
latter, the experiments wouldn’t seem magical at all: the entangled
particles are two different representations—two different images, two
different camera angles—of the same underlying reality; that’s why they
are correlated instantaneously and at a distance, just like the images on
the two TV sets are instantaneously correlated at a distance. But instead
of acknowledging what nature is telling us, we insist on thinking like
18th-century people in the face of 21st-century experimental evidence.
Quantum physics experiments are not the only instance in which
laboratory results directly contradict physicalist premises and
expectations. Since 2012, results in the field of neuroscience of
consciousness have been doing the same, with overwhelming
consistency. For instance, before 2012 the generally accepted wisdom
was that psychedelic substances, which lead to unfathomably rich
experiential states, did so by stimulating neuronal activity and lighting
up the brain like a Christmas tree. Modern neuroimaging, however, now
shows that they do precisely the opposite: the foremost physiological
effect of psychedelics in the brain is to significantly reduce activity in
multiple brain areas, while increasing it nowhere in the brain beyond
measurement error. This has been consistently demonstrated for multiple
psychedelic substances (psilocybin, LSD, DMT), with the use of
multiple neuroimaging technologies (EEG, MEG, fMRI), and by a
variety of different research groups (in Switzerland, Brazil, the United
Kingdom, etc.). Neuroscientist Prof. Edward F. Kelly and I published an
essay on Scientific American’s website (titled “Misreporting and
Confirmation Bias in Psychedelic Research,” on 3 September 2018)
providing an overview of, and references to, many of these studies. As
Prof. Kelly put it, “impressive and direct measurements of decreased
brain activity” are by far the most robust effect that psychedelics have on
the brain.
This result contradicts mainstream Physicalism for obvious reasons:
experience is supposed to be generated by metabolic neuronal activity. A
dead person with no metabolism experiences nothing because their brain
has no activity. A living person does because their brain does have
metabolic activity—or so the story goes. And since neuronal activity
supposedly causes experiences, there can be nothing to experience but
what can be traced back to patterns of neuronal activity (otherwise, one
would have to speak of disembodied experience). Ergo, richer, more
intense experience—such as the psychedelic state—should be
accompanied by increased activity somewhere in the brain; for it is this
increase that supposedly causes the increased richness and intensity of
the experience (this rationale applies even under the understanding that
experience correlates with intrinsic information, provided that more than
half of the associated neurons remain inactive in the psychedelic state,
which is the case).
Notice that Physicalism would remain consistent with an overall
decrease of brain activity in the psychedelic state, provided that one
could still find localized increases in parts of the brain consistent with
the experience. The reason for this is that, under Physicalism, not all
neuronal processes lead to experience; only the so-called ‘Neural
Correlates of Consciousness’ (NCCs) supposedly do. It is thus
conceivable that psychedelics could reduce activity in processes not
related to conscious experience, while leading to localized increases in
the NCCs. In particular, it is conceivable that psychedelics could impair
inhibitory processes that, once impaired, disinhibit the NCCs. The
problem is that all this relies on there being plausibly sufficient increases
of activity somewhere in the brain—corresponding to the now-
disinhibited NCCs—compared to the baseline, so as to account for the
increase in the richness and intensity of experience. But no such a thing
has been seen.
Since brain activity doesn’t increase in the psychedelic state,
physicalist neuroscientists then conclude that something else in the brain
must. And so the hunt is on for something in the brain that increases
under the effect of psychedelics. Many possibilities have been proposed
and somewhat fallen by the wayside, such as brain activity variability
and functional connectivity. But one remains and is significantly hyped
as the best physicalist hypothesis for accounting for the psychedelic
experience. It goes by various names, such as ‘brain entropy,’
‘complexity,’ ‘diversity,’ and so on (see “The entropic brain – revisited,”
by Robin Carhart-Harris, published in Neuropharmacology, 2018). But
what it means is very straightforward: brain noise—i.e., residual brain
activity that unfolds according to no discernible pattern; brain ‘TV
static,’ if you like.
The idea here is that, although brain activity decreases with
psychedelics, the residual activity that remains is desynchronized by the
drug, thereby becoming relatively more random than in the baseline. And
this relative increase in randomness or entropy—the latter meaning the
degree of disorder of the remaining brain activity—is supposed to
account for the unfathomable experiential immensity of the psychedelic
state. The logic is that more random activity contains more Information
than synchronized activity with discernible patterns. Under a certain
definition of ‘Information,’ which I shall elucidate below, this is indeed
true. And thus, the extra Information physiologically imparted by
psychedelics supposedly accounts for the extra richness and intensity of
the psychedelic experience.
There are many reasons why this ‘entropic brain hypothesis’ is
implausible to the point of being ludicrous, so let’s tackle them
systematically, starting with the underlying logic discussed above. The
fallacy of trying to account for richer, more intense experience in terms
of higher Information content is that it relies on conflating two
completely different definitions of the word ‘information.’
The first definition was that coined by Claude Shannon, father of
information theory, in his seminal 1948 paper, “A Mathematical Theory
of Communication.” The idea there is that Information is a measure of
the level of ‘surprise’ embedded in a message or signal. More
specifically, the more alternative possibilities are eliminated by a
message or signal, the more ‘surprise value’—and, therefore,
Information—it contains. For example, if a message stated simply that a
certain person is married, then only one other possibility would be
eliminated: namely, that the person is single. The level of ‘surprise’ here
is only 50%, since only one out of two possibilities can be eliminated by
the message. But if a message were to contain, say, a picture of the cloud
cover over your city, countless other possible patterns of cloud cover
would be eliminated by it, and the level of ‘surprise’ would be much
greater. That picture would thus contain a lot more Information.
One way to operationalize this particular definition of Information is
to think in terms of compression. A photograph—playing the role of
message, or signal—with clear and repeated visual patterns is
compressible and can, therefore, be stored in a smaller computer file.
The discernible patterns allow the compression algorithm to discard
many pixels from the original image, since the algorithm can later
reconstruct those pixels based on knowledge of the patterns according to
which they appeared in the first place. For example, a photograph of an
empty chessboard is highly compressible, because the black and white
pixels appear on it according to a very regular pattern, so there is no need
to store each and every pixel; all we need is to know the pattern of a
chessboard. But a photograph of TV static is much less compressible, for
the black and white pixels do not follow any recognizable pattern. In this
latter case, nearly all pixels need to be stored.
Shannon’s definition of Information means that, the more
compressible a signal is, the less Information it has, for knowledge of the
associated patterns reduces the degree of ‘surprise’ we have when we
analyze the signal. By the same token, the less compressible a signal is,
the more Information it contains, for our inability to recognize
underlying patterns renders many ‘pixels’ in it unexpected and,
therefore, ‘surprising.’ When I use the word ‘Information’ in Shannon’s
sense, I capitalize it, as I have already been doing.
Now, Shannon’s definition of ‘Information’ is a very technical one,
invented for very specific purposes in communications engineering:
namely, to calculate the minimal bandwidth of the communication
channel required to transmit the message after compression. It doesn’t—
and was never meant to—replace the colloquial use of the word. In the
colloquial sense, the word ‘information’ (this time not capitalized) means
the amount of semantic content of a message or signal. This way, a
message or signal has a lot of information if it means a lot. On the other
hand, a message that means nothing has no information.
The crucial thing to notice here is that, in a very important sense,
Information and information are opposites. A completely random and
uncompressible signal has maximum Information, but no information;
for a random signal means nothing: it has no discernible structures or
patterns that could be recognized and therefore unlock cognitive
associations. TV static has near-maximum Shannon Information, but it
means nothing. Therefore, it has no information in the colloquial sense,
this being the reason why we don’t sit in the living room to watch TV
static; instead, we watch TV programs, which have a lot of recognizable
—and, therefore, compressible—patterns in the form of objects, people,
and events. As such, a signal with a lot of information has, by definition,
lots of recognizable patterns, therein residing its meaning. Yet—and
precisely for this reason—it has relatively little Information in Shannon’s
sense.
When claiming that psychedelics increase the amount of Information
in the brain, the proponents of the ‘entropic brain hypothesis’ are using
Shannon’s technical definition of Information. But when claiming that an
increase in the information content of the brain accounts for the richness
and intensity of the psychedelic experience, they can only be appealing
to the colloquial definition of information. Alas, these two denotations
not only aren’t the same, they effectively are opposites. The proponents’
conflation of the different meanings of the word ‘information’ renders
their entire logic nonsensical. They seem to stick to the mere word
without understanding what it means in different contexts. The intuitive
appeal of their hypothesis is thus no more than a linguistic phantasm.
Indeed, Shannon’s Information was defined for the purpose of
communications, as made clear in the very title of his seminal paper. It is
only when we are dealing with communications that we want to know
how compressible a signal is—i.e., how much Information it has—so to
evaluate the minimal bandwidth of the communication channel required
to transmit said signal. But when it comes to brain activity, nothing is
being communicated; nothing is being transmitted through a channel; the
activity already arises where it needs to be. So to apply Shannon’s
definition of Information here is clearly inappropriate, at best naïve, and
surely misleading.
Moreover, when a subject describes a psychedelic experience as rich
and intense, what the subject means is that the experience has a lot of
semantic content; i.e., it means a lot to the subject, unlocking many
associative links in a cognitive chain reaction. This richness of meaning
is evoked by recognizable cognitive structures and patterns, which is the
opposite of entropy. After all, a psychedelic experience isn’t random or
unstructured; it isn’t akin to TV static. If it were, it precisely wouldn’t be
described as rich or intense, but mind-numbingly boring instead; for
there is nothing more devoid of evocative semantic content than TV
static. A psychedelic ‘trip’ is so unfathomably rich and intense precisely
because it has relatively little Shannon Information, and a whole lot of
information in the colloquial sense. Random, entropic brain activity is
thus precisely the opposite of what one would expect under physicalist
premises; provided, of course, that one actually understands information
theory. Just about anything else would be less implausible a physicalist
account of the psychedelic experience.
I published this criticism of the Entropic Brain Hypothesis (EBH) on
the website of the Institute of Art and Ideas (IAI), on the 21st of June
2023, under the title “Brain noise doesn’t explain consciousness: A
psychedelic experience isn’t akin to TV static.” On the 30th of June
2023, Prof. David Nutt—the most senior member of the team that
originally proposed the EBH—replied in the same venue under the title
“David Nutt: entropy explains consciousness: We don’t need mysticism
to explain psychedelic experience.” The most conspicuous fact about his
answer is that, despite the title chosen by the IAI, Prof. Nutt didn’t seem
to even try to defend the EBH from my criticism, opting, instead, to point
to other fuzzier and even less empirically substantiated physicalist
accounts of the psychedelic experience (allow me to ignore his allusion
to mysticism, for it is not deserving of commentary). As I shall discuss in
the next chapter, this constant switching to other vague accounts, every
time one particular account is substantially criticized, renders
Physicalism impossible to pin down and, therefore, meaningless. Be that
as it may, it appears that even its very creators aren’t prepared to
explicitly defend the EBH from the criticism above, which I suppose is
telling.
But even if we ignore this entire point and pretend, for the sake of
argument, that Information and information are the same thing, the EBH
still has no legs for obvious other reasons. I’ve discussed this ad
nauseam in previous writings, so I shall limit myself to a mere summary
here.
Decades of research in the neuroscience of consciousness have
demonstrated consistent correlations between patterns of brain activity
and reported inner experience. Under Physicalism, this suggests that the
only plausible account of experience is brain activity. But if the EBH
were correct, it would imply that, in the case of psychedelics alone,
something totally else must account for experience. What is the
likelihood that there are two completely different brain mechanisms that
generate experience under physicalist premises? One cannot defend
Physicalism by proposing a completely different theory of consciousness
for each different set of data, as this would be grotesquely inflationary
and render the scientific implications of Physicalism unfalsifiable to the
point of being meaningless.
Moreover, the increase in brain noise—pompously called
‘complexity’ and ‘diversity’ by the proponents, which misleads casual
readers into concluding that psychedelics induce more ‘complex’ or
‘diverse’ brain activity, in the colloquial sense, while the very opposite is
the case—measured during the psychedelic state is ludicrously minute: it
averages at 0.005 in a scale that runs from 0 to 100! (See the paper
“Increased spontaneous MEG signal diversity for psychoactive doses of
ketamine, LSD and psilocybin,” by Michael M. Schartner et al.,
published on 19 April 2017 in Scientific Reports.) The proponents’
defense here is that, minute as it is, the effect is still statistically
significant. But this misses the point entirely: statistical significance—an
arbitrary threshold as it is—only means that the effect probably isn’t a
measurement or methodological artifact; it says precisely nothing about
the strength of the effect. And the strength of the effect is key, for the
proponents are trying to account for the mind-boggling richness and
intensity of the psychedelic experience—a very, very large subjective
effect—in terms of a ludicrously minute physiological effect. This
stretches plausibility.
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